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With a combative style that matched its name, it primarily focused on women's rights , especially prohibiting discrimination against women voting , women's suffrage. It also covered other topics, however, such as politics, the labor movement and finance. Anthony managed the business aspects of the paper while Stanton was co-editor along with Parker Pillsbury , an abolitionist and a supporter of women's rights. Initial funding was provided by George Francis Train , a controversial businessman who supported women's rights but alienated many activists with his views on politics and race.

The funding that he arranged was enough to start the newspaper but not enough to sustain it. After twenty-nine months, mounting debts forced Anthony to transfer the paper to Laura Curtis Bullard , a wealthy women's rights activist who gave it a less radical tone.

The paper published its last issue less than two years later. Its significance was greater than its short lifespan would indicate. Established during a period when a split was developing within the women's rights movement, it gave Stanton and Anthony a means for expressing their views about the issues being disputed when it otherwise would have been difficult for them to make their voices heard.

It helped them strengthen their wing of the movement and prepare the way for an organization to represent it. The creators of The Revolution , Susan B.

Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton , were leading women's rights activists. Stanton was an organizer of the Seneca Falls Convention in , the first women's rights convention, and the primary author of its Declaration of Sentiments. They established The Revolution during a period when a split was developing within the women's rights movement. A major point of disagreement was the proposed Fifteenth Amendment to the U.

Constitution , which would prohibit the denial of suffrage because of race. Most radical social reformers supported it, but Stanton and Anthony opposed it unless it was accompanied by another amendment that would prohibit the denial of suffrage because of sex. Otherwise, they said, the Fifteenth Amendment, which would in effect enfranchise all men while excluding all women, would create an "aristocracy of sex" by giving constitutional authority to the belief that men were superior to women.

Women's rights activists also differed over the Republican Party and the abolitionist movement, which together had provided leadership for ending slavery in the U. The leading figures in the women's rights movement strongly opposed slavery Anthony herself had been on the staff of the American Anti-Slavery Society [5] , and many activists felt a sense of loyalty toward the Republican and abolitionist leadership.

Stanton and Anthony were sharply critical of both, however, for failing to support women's suffrage. A pivotal event was the campaign conducted in Kansas by the American Equal Rights Association AERA in support of two state referenda, one that would enfranchise African American men and one that would enfranchise women.

The AERA had been established the previous year, with Anthony and Stanton among its founders, to support the rights of both women and blacks. Leaders of the abolitionist movement, however, refused to support the AERA's Kansas campaign, even though suffrage for black men was an abolitionist priority, because they did not want the two suffrage campaigns to be combined.

Campaigning in Kansas with the AERA in support of both referenda, Anthony and Stanton were angered not only because national abolitionist leaders were withholding support but also because local Republicans had organized a committee to oppose the women's suffrage referendum.

Feeling betrayed, Stanton and Anthony stirred up a storm of protest by accepting help during the last days of the campaign from George Francis Train , a wealthy supporter of women's rights who was a Democrat and an outspoken racist. Train harshly criticized the Republican Party, making no secret of his intention to tarnish its progressive image and create splits within it.

When the Kansas campaign ended in November with the defeat of both referenda, the divisions within the women's movement began to deepen. Later they said, "Our liberal men counseled us to silence during the war, and we were silent on our own wrongs; they counseled us again to silence in Kansas and New York, lest we should defeat 'negro suffrage,' and threatened if we were not, we might fight the battle alone.

We chose the latter, and were defeated. But standing alone we learned our power It was becoming difficult for Stanton and Anthony, however, to make their voices heard. The abolitionist press, which had traditionally been the most dependable provider of news coverage for the women's rights movement, was no longer willing to play that role for their wing of the movement.

The newspaper was given its name, said Stanton and Anthony in its first issue, because "The name speaks its purpose. It is to revolutionize. President Andrew Johnson to buy a subscription. The Revolution' s offices were in New York City.

The paper was published weekly on quality newsprint, with 16 pages per issue and 3 columns per page. Initially Stanton wrote most of the material related to women's rights. Men, their rights and nothing more; Women, their rights and nothing less.

The Revolution focused primarily on women's rights, especially suffrage, but it also dealt with other topics. The paper reported on advancements made by women, cases of discrimination against women in employment, and improvements in divorce laws. It followed activities of the women's movement, including speeches, meeting announcements, convention proceedings and testimony before government bodies. It reported on organizing efforts by women workers and the activities of other sections of the labor movement that were seen as potential allies.

Foreign correspondents reported from England, continental Europe and India. Train contributed his views on a variety of topics, including Irish independence and currency reform. His associate, David Melliss, the financial editor of the New York World , handled the paper's financial department. A typical issue carried one or two pages of advertisements. The newspaper strove for a lively tone.

Its correspondents were asked not to sentimentalize but to " Give us facts and experience , in words, if you please, as hard as cannon-balls. When the New York World criticized the women's movement, Elizabeth Cady Stanton , an editor, responded, "The World innocently asks us the question, why, like the Englishwomen, we do not sit still in our conventions, and get "first class men" to do the speaking?

We might, with equal propriety, ask the World's editorial staff why they do not lay down their pens and get first class men to edit their journal? The Revolution' s correspondents were not expected to present a single point of view. On the contrary, the newspaper declared, "those who write for our columns are responsible only for what appears under their own names.

Hence if old Abolitionists and Slaveholders, Republicans and Democrats, Presbyterians and Universalists, Saints, Sinners and the Beecher family find themselves side by side in writing up the question of Woman Suffrage, they must pardon each other's differences on all other points". Its readers responded with a steady stream of commentary from a variety of viewpoints.

Sometimes those readers identified themselves fully, but many signed themselves with as little as a single initial, leaving their identities still unknown. The writers of the newspaper found inspiration in John Stuart Mill 's The Subjection of Women , which had been published in Following years of British reformers' criticism on the topic, Mill wrote that marriage was an institution of despotism and ushered the discussion into a more mainstream domain.

Stanton looked up to Mill and used his ideas as a guide for her own. By , Stanton was alone in writing the newspaper. She enthusiastically turned to the themes of sexuality and marriage, seizing the opportunity to use a local New York scandal as a caustic platform. In writing about the trial, Stanton was determined to break through the "hypocrisy that prevented frank discussion of marriage by bringing the steamy facts of desire, jealousy, and extramarital sex uncomfortably close in a way that oblique discussions about coverture could not.

After the verdict, Stanton appealed for change—namely, for divorce laws to be altered and improved. The Revolution supported a number of causes that challenged tradition. It criticized the long and heavy dresses that women were expected to wear at all times and the practice of women promising to "obey" as part of marriage ceremonies. It reported cases of women attempting to vote in defiance of laws that prohibited them from doing so.

It referred to practices that society did not want to discuss openly, such as husbands beating and forcing themselves sexually on their wives. Voicing an opinion that was highly controversial at that time, it advocated divorce as a legitimate option for women in abusive marriages. Rejecting the notion that each woman should be under the control of a man, it called for women to be in control of both their own bodies and their destinies. That was acceptable to Stanton, who believed that it was better for the women's movement to be attacked than to be ignored.

During , the paper conducted an energetic campaign in support of Hester Vaughn , a domestic worker whose former employer had impregnated her. Destitute and seriously ill, she gave birth alone in an unheated room where the baby died. Vaughn was accused of deliberately allowing the baby to die and sentenced to be executed.

After publicizing the case in The Revolution , Stanton visited the governor to ask him to pardon Vaughn, which he eventually did. The Revolution applauded the growth of the National Labor Union NLU , which existed from to , hoping to join with it in a broad alliance that would create a new political party, one that would support women's suffrage as well as the demands of working people.

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This paper will address the problems that lead to the start to the American Revolution. The colonists believed that they should live democratically. Britain felt that they owned the American colonies and they could use their resources in any way that they wished.

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